Family
History of problem behaviour, family dynamics, parenting practices: the closest circle around a young person.
The CTC youth survey turns what a community suspects about its young people into data. It is anonymous, tested psychometrically in several of the countries that use it, and the basis for prevention that reaches every child, whatever their age.

No pupil can be identified. Results exist only for a school year or an area, never for a person or a class.
Scientifically tested (Reder et al. 2024 for the German version) and re-tested wherever it is adapted.
The questionnaire is a scientific instrument and is not published: items that are public lose their value as a measure.
The survey looks at the places where risk and protective factors typically appear for children and young people.
History of problem behaviour, family dynamics, parenting practices: the closest circle around a young person.
Commitment to school, school failure, early and persistent antisocial behaviour at school.
Belonging to a group, personal values, willingness to take risks: the inner world of young people.
Availability of substances, neighbourhood structures, attachment to the community: the wider social space.
The CTC youth survey is the instrument that turns a community's intuitions about its young people into data. It is a standardised, anonymous questionnaire completed by pupils, usually between the ages of eleven and seventeen, and it measures the risk and protective factors described on the approach page as they actually occur in one particular place. The pupils who answer are the community's measuring instrument; the prevention that follows is for every child and young person in that community, from the youngest up.
The survey was developed alongside CTC itself at the University of Washington and has been adapted and translated wherever the approach is used, and tested psychometrically in several countries, among them Germany, Croatia, Estonia and, at pilot level, Greece. Its questions are not arbitrary: each item traces back to decades of international research on which circumstances shape adolescent wellbeing and behaviour. National adaptations adjust wording, drop items that do not apply, and re-test reliability, but the underlying structure stays comparable, which is what made the CTC European Network's cross-national comparison possible.
Think of risk factors as stumbling blocks along a young person's path: they raise the likelihood of health or social difficulties. Protective factors are the handrails: they strengthen young people and help them handle what comes. The survey looks at both, across four settings.
Peers and the individual. What are relationships with peers like? What attitudes do young people themselves hold? An item such as I like to see how far I can go captures a tendency to test limits, which in some contexts is a risk factor. What do you think of someone your age using drugs? captures how accepted alcohol and drug use is within a peer group.
Family. What support does the family provide, and how is conflict handled? This section asks explicitly about strengths as well as problems. My parents ask my opinion when something that affects me has to be decided measures whether a young person feels included and valued, a protective factor. Do you get on well with your mother or father? targets the quality of the relationship. Items about problem behaviour in the family, such as whether anyone has ever used hard drugs, are necessary to detect risk, and they are always asked under anonymity and analysed only in aggregate.
School. How comfortable do young people feel at school? Do they experience pressure or success? It takes an effort for me to go to school points to low commitment to school.
Community and neighbourhood. How safe and supportive is the area perceived to be? If you wanted to, how hard or easy would it be for you to get hold of drugs where you live? measures perceived availability, one of the clearest community-level risk factors.
One example item per setting shows how a question sounds and what it tells the community. The German version holds 28 scales, 15 risk and 13 protective factors, made of 138 items; national adaptations vary in length.
What are relationships with peers like? What attitudes do young people themselves hold?
I like to see how far I can go.
Helps to understand whether there is a tendency to test limits, which in some contexts is a risk factor.
What do you think of someone your age using drugs?
Captures how accepted alcohol or drug use is within a peer group.
What support does the family provide? How is conflict handled? This part is explicitly also about strengths and the positive sides of family life.
My parents ask me for my opinion when something that affects me has to be decided.
Captures whether young people feel included and valued, a central protective factor.
Do you get on well with your mother or father?
Aims at the quality of relationships and is phrased positively. Questions about problem behaviour in the family are needed too, to see risks; always anonymous, always aggregated.
How comfortable do young people feel at school? Do they experience pressure, or success?
It takes an effort for me to go to school.
Can point to difficulties in the school environment: belonging, motivation, pressure to perform.
How safe and supportive is the neighbourhood perceived to be?
If you wanted to, how hard or easy would it be for you to get hold of drugs where you live?
High perceived availability can be a risk in itself.
Results are never reported for individuals or for classes. The community receives a profile: which risk factors are elevated and which protective factors are weak, compared where possible against a regional or national benchmark. Schools that take part usually receive their own aggregated report. From that profile the CTC coalition chooses the two to five factors it will work on, and it is those priorities, not a general sense that something should be done, that determine which programmes it then selects. The survey is the centre of phase three of the process, and it is repeated at least every two years once the action plan is running.
One example scale per setting: this is how a community or a school sees its values next to a reference value in the CTC report. The reference lines are real state averages from Lower Saxony 2021/22; the bars for the example site are illustrative, not the data of any real place. The example item beside each chart only shows how a question from that scale sounds; the report contains no single items, only aggregated scale values.
How prosocial is the closest circle of young people? Friendships that share, mediate or get involved are a robust protective factor.
How many of your four best friends have tried to settle an argument between others in the past twelve months?
The bar shows scale IP4 (aggregated from 5 items): the share of young people with a markedly prosocial circle of friends. Lower Saxony average 41 % (Soellner et al. 2023); the example site is above it at 48 %.
How close is the bond to the family? A high value is a strong protective factor, the ground on which many other measures build.
Do you get on well with your mother or father?
The bar shows scale FP1 (aggregated from 6 items): the share of young people with close family attachment. Lower Saxony average 49 % (Soellner et al. 2023); the example site is slightly above it at 55 %.
How strong is the bond to school, and how does it change between years 7 and 10? The trend across years shows where to set priorities.
I really like going to school.
The bars show scale SR2 (aggregated from 7 items, reversed answers): the share of young people with low commitment to school, per school year. Lower Saxony average 44 % (Soellner et al. 2023, dashed line).
How safe and well kept do young people find their neighbourhood? Visible neglect and perceived crime are a classic risk factor for problem behaviour.
There is a lot of crime where I live, such as muggings and burglaries.
The bar shows scale CR2 (aggregated from 5 items): the share of young people who perceive their neighbourhood as socially disorganised. Lower Saxony average 48 % (Soellner et al. 2023); the example site is slightly above it at 52 %.
The survey asks young people of secondary-school age because that is where risk and protective factors can be measured reliably. By eleven or twelve a young person can report on their family, their school, their friends and their neighbourhood, and the behaviours that prevention is meant to avert, from first alcohol use to violence and dropping out, begin to show. The answers are not a verdict on those pupils. They are a description of the conditions under which all the children of the community are growing up.
Those conditions start long before secondary school. Low family attachment, inconsistent parenting, an early lack of commitment to school and the availability of substances in the neighbourhood take shape in the first years of life and in primary school. A community profile that shows them as elevated therefore points the action plan at the whole age range, not only at the year groups that filled in the questionnaire: family programmes for parents of infants and toddlers, early-childhood settings and primary schools, transition years, youth work and the wider neighbourhood. The goal of CTC is that every child in the community, whatever their age, is reached by the prevention that follows from the data, and that the next survey, two or three years later, measures whether it worked.
The survey is anonymous by design. No name, no date of birth and no identifier that could single out a pupil is collected, and responses are stored and analysed only at the level of a school year or an area. Participation is voluntary twice over: parents or guardians are informed and can withhold consent, and each pupil can decline or stop at any point. Every administration is agreed with the responsible education authority beforehand, and the data processing is set up to meet the GDPR; the details differ by country and are documented by the organisation that runs the survey there.
The questionnaire itself is a protected instrument. It is provided to communities that run a CTC process together with the organisation that holds the adapted version in their country; it is not published, because a survey whose items are public loses its value as a measurement tool.
The German version was validated at the University of Hildesheim and runs online through the Crime Prevention Council of Lower Saxony, with automated community and school reports benchmarked against a state-wide representative sample. The Netherlands adapted the survey as early as 1999; Croatia first used a translated version in Istria in 2004 and published its adapted questionnaire in 2010; Cyprus ran a Greek-language version in the Nicosia district in 2007. Sweden built its version in the CTC European Network project, which then compared all of them across borders. Estonia, Greece and Portugal adapted the survey in 2022 and piloted it in 2022–2023; the Estonian version was tested with 265 pupils in Hiiumaa and Märjamaa and has been run in the three Estonian pilot communities since autumn 2025, and the Portuguese version, built at Iscte in Lisbon, was tested with 1,218 pupils in the Azores. Croatia is building a digital version of its questionnaire in the DIGIPREV project (2025–2029, with Varaždin County and CARNET), including a longitudinal survey in one county and a digital interface for local decision-makers. Ireland's first survey, in Newbridge, County Kildare, was prepared with Trinity College Dublin and presented its first results at the EUSPR conference in Dublin in September 2026. The pilot covered four post-primary schools and more than 1,600 pupils aged 12 to 18 and used the American 2014 questionnaire with minor cultural adaptations; an Irish validation has not yet been published.
If your community is considering a first survey, the country directory shows who to talk to, and the frequently asked questions cover response rates, timelines and what happens to the data.
No. Participation is voluntary at two levels. Parents or guardians are informed in advance and can withhold consent; depending on the country, this is either an opt-in or an opt-out. And each pupil can decline on the day, skip any question, or stop at any point, without giving a reason and without any consequence. Teachers are asked to make this clear before the survey begins.
Yes. No name, date of birth, address or any other identifier is collected. In the German online version, for example, each pupil receives a one-time access code that is not linked to any list of names. Responses are stored only with the school and year group, and results are reported only for groups large enough that no individual could be recognised, never for a class of fifteen. Neither the school, nor the parents, nor the community sees an individual questionnaire.
They cannot, because there is nothing to use. The results exist only as group statistics: the share of pupils in a year group who report a given experience. They go to the community’s CTC coalition and, in aggregated form, to the participating schools, to inform what support is offered. That support is not aimed back at the year groups who answered: the profile describes the conditions all children in the community grow up in, and the measures that follow reach every age, from programmes for parents of small children to youth work. No authority receives individual data, because none exists. Where a country’s law requires it, the survey design is approved by the education authority and reviewed for data protection before it runs.
Because those are among the strongest predictors of the problems the community is trying to prevent, and a survey that left them out would produce a profile with the most important information missing. The questions are asked neutrally, alongside as many questions about strengths: whether pupils feel valued at home, have adults they can talk to, and opportunities to contribute at school. They are answered anonymously and analysed only in aggregate, so a single answer can never be traced to a child or a family.
Parents can see it. Schools make the full questionnaire available for inspection before the survey, and many hold an information evening. It is not published on the internet because a measurement instrument whose items circulate freely stops measuring reliably: pupils who have discussed the questions beforehand answer differently, and results from different years and places stop being comparable. The original US instrument is public, but the national adaptations, such as the German version, are licensed, and their licence conditions require this.
The working body of a CTC process: practitioners who run schools, youth centres, family services and clubs, together with residents and, ideally, young people themselves. The board reads the community profile, sets priorities and chooses the programmes. It is distinct from the key-leader group, which provides the mandate and the resources. Called Gebietsteam in Germany and community board in the US.
The social-work tradition of enabling residents and local institutions to identify and act on their own needs, rather than having services delivered to them. CTC’s authors place the approach explicitly in this tradition: the community collects its own data, sets its own priorities and owns its own plan. Known as Gemeinwesenarbeit in German-speaking countries.
The randomised controlled trial that established the evidence for CTC. Begun in 2003, it matched 24 small towns in seven US states in pairs and randomly assigned one of each pair to CTC, following more than 4,400 young people from age ten into adulthood. Young people in CTC towns started using substances later, showed less delinquency and violence, and the differences persisted to age 21.
The geographical unit a CTC process works in. Not an administrative boundary but the area whose residents share schools, services and daily life, and whose practitioners know each other. Choosing it well matters: the youth survey area and the action area must coincide, or the coalition ends up acting on a profile the area does not recognise. Called Sozialraum in German.
An approach that treats adolescence as a period of growth to be supported rather than a set of problems to be prevented, and that works on competence, confidence, connection, character and contribution. It shares its theoretical roots with CTC in the Social Development Model, and CTC’s emphasis on protective factors is where the two meet.
Conditions that lower the likelihood of problem behaviour and promote healthy development: strong bonds to family, school and community, clear standards, opportunities to contribute, the skills to use them, and recognition for doing so. In the Social Development Model they are what bonding is made of. Strengthening protection counts as much in CTC as reducing risk.
Conditions in a young person’s family, school, peer group or neighbourhood that raise the likelihood of problem behaviour such as substance use, violence, offending or leaving school early. Many act on several outcomes at once. CTC measures them locally through the youth survey and asks the community to prioritise the ones that are most elevated.
Aaron Antonovsky’s question of what keeps people healthy, as opposed to what makes them ill. Its central idea, a sense of coherence built from comprehensibility, manageability and meaningfulness, corresponds closely to the protective factors CTC works with. The term is widely used in European health promotion and less so in the US prevention literature.
Anonymity, consent, response rates
What the survey measures, and why
Who runs the survey in your country